Carl Packman shares his thoughts on the political shift of the Tories as part of the reshuffle
In politics there really is nothing better than a cabinet
reshuffle. This is the time when all interested can discuss the latest rumours
and conspiracy theories that have emerged from within the Westminster village.
This latest reshuffle is no different. In fact it is all the more important as
it speaks to the future trajectory of the Tory party and the coalition
government.
Commentators have spent the last week trying to find, or
indeed deny, evidence of a rightward shift in the Cameron cabinet. Some have
reminded us that this is not a change in direction, but a change of people to
finish off the job. Others have suggested some of the moves were designed
largely to temper discontent among the backbenchers.
Nick
Pearce at the IPPR has said
that the reshuffle “shows a new generation of right-wing conservatives coming
to the fore in British politics”, or what he calls the “(new) New Right”. Dry
on the economy, but because of their cosmopolitanism, bear all the hallmarks of
Cameron's modernisation project. In other words they can appeal to the
centre-ground without having to pursue centrist politics.
Though there is no consensus on the left that this is what
the reshuffle means. George
Eaton for the New Statesman reminded us that the pre-election right-wing
sentiments of those cabinet ministers who have moved up this time round are as
good as meaningless. Many, he says, “forget that this is a coalition
government”, before noting that the Liberal Democrats have been briefing they
won't allow “a phalanx of new right-wing policies.”
One of the interesting things about the reshuffle, raised by
Eaton, is that, despite the alleged shunning of Ken Clarke to appease the
right, his presence will still very much be felt in this government. While
losing a liberal Tory from Justice for someone to the right cannot be ignored,
neither can the extent to which Clarke will still hold some elements of his old
brief. For example, some eyebrows have been raised recently as to why he will
continue to be responsible for the Justice and Security Bill, even though he
has left this department.
Commenting on this, Clare
Alger, the Executive Director of Reprieve, opined that one of the reasons
Clarke is being held on to could be because his “reassuringly liberal
reputation is the only chance this dangerous Bill has of getting through Parliament.”
This view largely swims against the tide of prevailing
opinion that the move in the Ministry of Justice was merely the most obvious
signpost for a shift to the right. Even Joshua Rozenberg was convinced of this,
writing
for the Guardian recently:
“Whichever way you
look at it though, there has been a distinct shift to the right among holders
of the key legal posts in government, just as there has been within the
government as a whole. Legal politics are beginning to look interesting.”
However, Rozenberg asks, even though Chris Grayling is
perceived to be right wing, does this matter? After all, the person in his post
no longer sits as a judge in the UK's highest court and he no longer appoints
judges. On the contrary, perhaps perceptions are all that matters in this
reshuffle?
Not too long ago Yvette Cooper was enjoying a lot of praise
from places where the Tories once monopolised support. The Sun for example were
bestowing untold praise on her, saying that she was “speaking
our language on crime”. The Conservatives have since changed tack, quite
noticeably. Cameron u-turned on the prison reforms and dared to use the phrase
“pure criminality” at the time of the riots.
It is perhaps hard to believe that once upon a time
Cameron's modernising image was put into jeopardy by the inclusion of Clarke.
Andrew Rawnsley at the time said that bringing Clarke back made the Tories look
“less
posh and more tough”. Today Rawnsley writes that Ken “was
always much too liberal for the Tory grassroots, tabloids and web
propagandists.”
But has Rawnsley put his finger on the pulse here? In a
reverse of what Nick Pearce thinks, I believe some of the rhetoric will change
to suit the right wing backbenchers and possibly blue-collar Conservatives, but
Cameron will want to see his modernising project through until the end, which
is why many important parts of the cabinet remain untouched.