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The Dangerous Deathbed Conversion

The Great Electoral Reform Debate: 'The World's Leading Authority on Referendums,' Dr Matt Qvortrup, writes a provocative piece against voting reform

Not since St. Paul's famous journey to Damascus almost 2000 years ago have we seen a more spectacular conversion. Surely enough the Lord himself did not – as far as I am informed - appear before Gordon Brown. Nor was the Prime Minister blinded by his sudden belief in the virtues of electoral reform. But his announcement on Tuesday the 2nd of February had all the hall-marks of a missionary zealot propagating the Gospel.

Of course, there is nothing wrong with enthusiasm per se. The problem is the aim and the ill-informed evidence in support of this latest fad.

According to Mr Brown, the aim of electoral reform is to re-instill a new trust in the political system. And to make it fairer. Alas none of those two things are likely to be achieved by this proposed reform of the electoral system.

As a study published by the prominent political scientist Pippa Norris makes clear in an article in the scholarly journal Political Studies, the First-Past-the-Post system does result in a higher level of trust than do the other systems. A change to a different electoral system will not result in greater confidence in politicians – quite the contrary, in fact.

To discard the current system, would transport us from the existing political frying pan and into the infinitely hotter fire of constitutional uncertainty. And that, to put it mildly, is the last thing we need in these troubled economic and political times.

To be sure, a credible case can be made for Proportional Representation. It is a concern that a government, like the current one, can enact far-reaching an irreversible legislation without commanding a majority of the people, let alone those who bother to vote.

But the proposed Alternative Vote-system, which is known from Australia and mayoral elections in London (and other cities with an elected mayor in England) is not the solution. Indeed, it too has the drawback that it often allow minority parties to win. The Australian Labor Party won the elections in both 1998 and 2001. But they did not win a majority of seats due to the AV electoral system.

Gordon Brown, famously, is a student of the history of the Labour Party. He perhaps ought to (re)read the arguments against electoral reform put forward by the late Harold Laski (then the Chairman of the Labour Party).

When people, including Conservative politicians, toyed with the idea of introducing PR in the late 1940s Harold Laski rejected the idea on the grounds that, "PR has a centrifugal effect which encourages looseness of discipline, excessive compromise; the politics, if I may so phrase it, of maneuvers rather than policy". This assessment has not ceased to be valid.

At a time of distrust in the political class, when people are calling for direction, leadership and courage there are clearly more important things than changing the electoral system. So, Prime Minister, forget your conversion - and forget about electoral reform.

Dr. M.Qvortrup DPhil (Oxon)

Ed: Thank you to Dr Qvortrup for kicking off this debate with such eloquence. ResPublica will publish a piece in response next week.


Comments on: The Dangerous Deathbed Conversion

Gravatar Andy White 25 February 2010
Matt Qvortrup,

This is the second time I have seen you make the claim that academics have proven the connection between FPTP and higher levels of trust.

You refer vaguely to an article by Pippa Norris in Political Studies. I presume you mean this one: http://www.hks.harvard.edu/fs/pnorris/Articles/Articles published in journals_files/Twilight_Westminster_2001.pdf

It's true that she does find that -- of the 19 countries she measured, in the limited timeframe (1996-8) covered -- the top three for "trust in democracy" all had SINGLE-MEMBER systems. Of course, the Alternative Vote, like FPTP, is a single-member system.

Discussing her findings, Norris goes on to say:

"The fact that the three majoritarian systems (the USA, Australia and Britain) are all long-established democracies and affluent post-industrial societies hinders any direct comparison across nations, in contrast to consolidating regimes such as in the Ukraine, Mexico and Taiwan."

You might also be interested to know that this is the same Pippa Norris who signed a recent letter to the Observer in favour of a fairer voting system: http://www.guardian.co.uk/theobserver/2009/sep/06/letters-to-the-editor

You have blatantly misrepresented the views of a fellow academic.

regards,

Andy White
Electoral Reform Society
Reply
Gravatar Jon Harvey 19 February 2010
It is clear that AV is not a proportional system. I am long time supporter of proportional representation - 40 years ago I spoke in favour of it at a UNESCO organised schools conference in Portsmouth. So - I struggle with this one - do I support the idea of AV or not?

Well - yes I do in the end - because I think, pragmatically, it is a step forward. In fact I think it is likely to be a huge step forward as it will be begin to erode majoritarian politics as we currently experience it. In the end I would far rather have an AV type system (as we have in the GLA, Welsh Assembly & Scottish Parliament) or perhaps even a non list multi member constituency Single transferrable vote systems as they nearly have in Scottish Local Government elections. Having AV now does not prevent such options in the future.

The point is - will MPs elected under FPTP ~ever~ vote in any substantial numbers for any kind of change? I think not - and indeed I don't think they have the right. Only ~we~ as electors have the right to say how they should be elected.

Which is why the proposal to have a referendum, whilst it an excruciating and poignant piece of political pragmatism, is the only way forward. I want the opportunity to have my say about how my government is elected. Now,finally, that we have that possibility (partly as result of 'events' around expenses and mostly because, I reckon, due to some intense lobbying of members of the ruling party who have finally buckled just enough to make this possible).

Moreover, if some political party (without mentioning names!) wants to stand in the way of my right (along with 40 million others) to have our say in how elections are conducted then I will regard that action as a supreme example of a) cynicism b) anti democracy c) hypocrisy.

For all I know - Gordon Brown, as an elector, may vote for FPTP in such a referendum. But at least - we will have the chance to have our say!
Reply
Gravatar Matt Qvortrup 19 February 2010
...ups got cut off mid-stream. The problem at the moment is that both Labour and Conservatives seem not to propose policies that are properly researched and based on evidence. This might be because they are focusing on other things (e.g. the financial crisis, the war in Afghanistan etc.). But given that these matters involve the rules of the game and the very foundations of our political system, they ought to be more careful, or leave the whole issue until they have sorted out the other issues.
What we need, in short, is a proper Green Paper and if possible a cross party consensus.
Reply
Gravatar Dr Matt Qvortrup 19 February 2010
Sunder

I agree that we can't use the 'it ain't broke' argument. The system as it stands is not ideal, but AV is not likely to improve it I fear. The AV might improve matters in terms of proportionality, but if we are after proportionality, then the List System (with a large district magnitude) would be better, but this system is not likely to engender greater trust in the political class. My solution would be to go for STV, which appears to improve trust. But this is a debate that can go on an on. What is essential, in my view, is that decisions about this are reached by consensus, and not by one party alone.

As for the initiative. I agree, that the representatives ought to be involved.

David Cameron's suggestion that petitions can trigger a debate in Parliament and can force parliament to debate a Bill is an interesting one, but I dare say that it has not been properly considered, and smacks somehow of opportunism.

In any case, a similar system exists in e.g. Poland and Austria, but the problem is that it does not force the politicians to act.

I think a better model is the so-called indirect initiative, which exists in some US states. For example in Massachusetts, Utah and Ohio a proposed initiative is referred to the legislature after proponents have gathered the required number of signatures. The legislature then has the option to enact, defeat or amend the measure. Depending on the legislature's action, the proponents may continue to pursue placement on the ballot for a popular vote.

Best
Matt
Reply
Gravatar Sunder Katwala 18 February 2010
Matt

Many thanks for the reply. Yes, I referred to the "more proportional AV " as still tending towards majority governments, though of course Brown is advocating AV, where any increase/decrease in proportionality against FPTP will depend on voter preferences.

In advocating AV (as part of a broader package), I argued that the weaknesses of FPTP as a majoritarian system create a Russian roulette risk of a legitimacy crisis, so I would challenge the "if it ain't broke" defence of the status quo.
http://www.fabians.org.uk/publications/extracts/call-for-lab-libdem-deal-on-alternative-vote

I think the idea of citizens' initiatives is interesting. In part I see the appeal is that they can be used to challenge anti-politics, by setting a challenge to critics and opponents to mobilise and aggregate sufficient support to make something happen, instead of yelling from the sidelines and imagining everyone agrees. But my preference would be for that to trigger a response within the representative system, which might be less than you want. I discuss that in passing in the ippr collection on political reform
http://www.ippr.org.uk/publicationsandreports/publication.asp?id=713
Reply
Gravatar Dr Matt Qvortrup 18 February 2010
I am honored to be criticised by Sunder Katwala, who - of course - make valid points. I am sorry that he finds it hard to follow my thread. So I'll try again, as I believe this is an area that should be above party politics.

I believe that my opponent fails to appreciate that AV involves an element of PR as a percentage of the MPs will be elected through a list-system, which justifies the quote by Laski.

But above all, reform of the political system is unlikely to be engendered through electoral reform. I believe we should focus on the introduction of the recall and the initiative.

Especially the latter has a proven track-record of decreasing distrust in politicians. (On this see Matt Qvortrup 'Citizen Initiated Referendums (CIR) in New Zealand: A Comparative Appraisal', in Representation, Volume 44, Issue 1, April, pp.69-78. Maybe this is a thing the Fabian Society could make a case for. After all, the ideas of direct democracy were originally introduced by Sunder's predecessors.

Yours
Matt Qvortrup

Reply
Gravatar Sunder Katwala 17 February 2010
This seemed quite a weak piece ... maybe it was the frying pan and fire metaphors, but the thread was hard to follow. I couldn't really see why arguments against the centrifrugal effects of PR are relevant challenges to AV. There isn't much evidence it would make hung parliaments or coalitions more likely, while the more proportional AV would also give majority governments in most UK general elections.

Qvortrup has nothing to say on the glaring weaknesses of fptp as a majoritarian system, where it seems ill-suited to picking the right winner in any close election because of shifts in electoral geography since the mid-70s. This bias problem is well described in the Curtice/Steed appendices of the last four Nuffield election studies. The Tory boundary proposals are largely a red herring in dealing with it.

Phillip Blond, ResPublica's director, told the audience at a Demos debate (with me, chaired by Phillip Blond) at the Compass conference last summer that he opposed PR but supported AV, on the grounds that candidates needing 50% of the constituency vote was a positive reform. I trust that remains his position?
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Gravatar asheem.singh 17 February 2010
Sunder,

Good to have you on here.

I can't speak for Phillip (The Disraeli Room doesn't take 'lines'; we stimulate independent thought and debate) - though I will say that we will be having contributions to this debate from several sides in the coming days. Who knows, perhaps PB may join in too?

All best,

Asheem

Reply
Gravatar asheem.singh 17 February 2010
I am ready to be challenged on AV/AV plus. The caveat would be that the voting system mustn't get so complex as to disenfranchise - on which point I would be interested in seeing analysis of the choice architecture/elasticity on

vote/
vote but vote for the wrong person by mistake/
it all seems too complicated to bother

of different voting systems.

On which, an interesting point of departure is a famous piece by a certain mathematician, classicist and notable children's writer, Rev. Charles Dodgson... or Lewis Carroll as you might know him.
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Gravatar Stephen MacLean 17 February 2010
This is an excellent overview on the weakness of the alternative vote—or the preferential ballot—by Professor Qvortrup. Lord Norton of Louth also has weighed in on this topic, focussing on proportional representation, but taking a much wider perspective in his replies to comments.

The ‘weakness’ in the case for First-Past-the-Post—and the strongest argument, I think, for AV—is that a plurality is more often the outcome than a majority vote for the winning candidate.

Curiously, though, when viewed through the lens of a single constituency, electing the candidate with the most votes doesn’t seem so bad; it’s when this result is translated into a national party basis that its ‘flaw’ becomes evident—and one reason why PR has such appeal.

Yet these supposed fixes lack the levels of trust and accountability that FPTP enjoys (such as it is!), and will never quite satisfy some critics whom, it seems, will only approve a situation where ‘every vote counts’ (i.e., gets its way)—a logical impossibility.
Reply
Gravatar asheem.singh 16 February 2010
And watch out also for a response to Matt's post from Lewis Bastion of the Electoral Reform Society next week. Ed.
Reply

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Date Published
16 February 2010

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