How the Government's plans to raise the retirement age in line with life expectancy stack up against international comparators
The Government is discussing raising the retirement age much faster than planned. Under current plans, the retirement age will rise to 68 (for both men and women) by 2046, but the Government would like to achieve this twenty years earlier. They clearly don't waste any time. Under this new plan, the retirement age could go up by 12 months every five years or so: in January 2011 it could still be 65 years, reaching 66 in 2016, 67 in 2021 and 68 in 2026. If retirement is tied to life expectancy this would continue to reach 69 in 2031 and 70 in 2036 (to be continued…). So if you are under 40 now you will have to work until at least 70. The idea behind this is that the statutory retirement age should rise in line with life expectancy. The rapid increase would be necessary to catch up with the increase in life expectancy over recent decades.
No country in the world so far increases (or lowers) the statutory retirement age in line with life expectancy. A minority of countries factor in a change in demographics in the public pension schemes. But none of these ties the retirement age to life expectancy, all use some factor that affects the pension amount paid out. Examples are
Sweden, Finland, Germany, Lativa and Portugal - if anybody knows of any other examples, please let me know at sandra.gruescu@respublica.org.uk.
The Swedish system has notional defined contributions (NDC) accounts where the pension contributions are paid into a fictional account. The contributions are only saved on paper, but when reaching retirement age (which can be chosen to be between 61 and 70) the pensioner is paid a pension according to the amount accrued during the working years. This amount is divided by a variable representing the unisex life expectancy of this person, hence reducing the pension amount paid if life expectancy has increased. The same (although possible with a different unisex life expectancy) is applied in Latvia.
In Finland the earnings-related old-age pension amount is, on starting the old-age pension, multiplied by a life expectancy coefficient (which lies between 0 and 1). For each year one coefficient is determined and compared to the one in 2009. It is calculated for the cohort that turns 62 and it will be fixed for this cohort irrespective of retirement age. The first (second, etc.) coefficient is based on observations for 2003-2007 (2004-2008, etc.). The life expectancy is compared to the level in 2009 for which the life expectancy coefficient is 1.0. The coefficient applies to old-age pensions which start in or after 2010.
In Germany they do things thoroughly and have a rather complicated pension formula. It is one of the journalists' favourite questions to ask the Pension Minister to check if he can recite the formula by heart. They mostly fail. Demographics play a role when the ‘current pension value' is determined, the dynamic element of the formula. If you can - like me - get excited about formulae please see
the German pension formula; if not, here is the summary version of the so-called ‘sustainability factor': the current pension value and with it the pension amount decreases if the ratio of pensioners to contribution payers (all equivalised) changes unfavourably. If people live longer there will be more pensioners around and if people have fewer babies there will be fewer contribution payers in the future. Hence this pension formula includes the double whammy of higher life expectancy and lower birth rates.
In Portugal the pension amount is also adjusted with a ‘sustainability factor' albeit a different one, which takes the change of the average life expectancy at the age of 6 into account and decreases pension amounts accordingly.
Although these pension formulae differ in the way they incorporate rising life expectancy they have one thing in common: it is always unisex and applies to all in the same way. Women live longer than men, higher educated people live longer than those with less education, and richer people live longer than poorer ones. These factors are not accounted for, would be difficult to implement and are likely to be contentious issues.
Rising the statutory retirement age with life expectancy (or any other demographic change) is fine for the middle and upper classes, as they not only tend to live longer they also manage to live longer healthily. The Marmot Review described very well that this is not the case for those on lower income and those who work manually throughout their lives. Living in one of the least deprived areas in London one can expect to live free of a disability until 70 years of age and beyond, but in the most deprived parts of London, a disability-free life can only be expected until the age of 55 years of age. And the mortality rates for men aged 25-64 engaged in routine, manual work are double (South West) to more than three times higher (North East) than those for professional men in both areas. Increasing the statutory retirement age in line with life expectancy would certainly mean that more people will be on disability benefits or jobseeker's allowance, or will simply die before they reach the statutory retirement age.